Commending the US-India pact - The Boston Globe


A RECENT COVER of The Economist was scathing. Entitled ''George W. Bush in Dr. Strangedeal Or: How I learned to stop worrying and love my friend's bomb," it depicted the president playing the role of cowboy Slim Pickens in the Cold War film classic ''Dr. Strangelove," riding a nuclear-tipped missile.
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While The Economist cover worked as satire, there is more to commend than condemn about the US-India civilian nuclear agreement. Rather than being a ''strangedeal," the agreement is actually a ''good deal" for the United States and global efforts to curb nuclear nonproliferation.
The nuclear agreement was first unveiled during the July 2005 visit to Washington of Prime Minister Manmahon Singh. Bush pledged to seek a change in US law that would make India an exception to the restrictions placed on civilian nuclear cooperation with countries that have not signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. India agreed to separate its civilian and military nuclear facilities, place the civilian ones (the large majority) under safeguards supervised by the International Atomic Energy Agency, and maintain its moratorium on further nuclear tests. India's ''Separation Plan" for its civilian and military programs was announced during Bush's recent visit to New Delhi.
This dramatic nuclear breakthrough was a necessary step to build the close relationship envisaged by many Americans who understand the growing strategic importance of India. A strong India is important for balance of power purposes in Asia and for providing stability in the volatile and strategically important Indian Ocean littoral area.
A cursory look at a map underscores the potential strategic importance of India. Jutting down 1,500 miles into the middle of the Indian Ocean, India is in a position to safeguard sea lanes that are used to transport more than half the world's oil and gas. The navies of the United States and India have begun to conduct joint exercises aimed against piracy, terrorism, and any other threats to seaborne traffic.
A strong India on its own will take steps to maintain a balance of power in Asia and to keep the sea lanes open. These goals do not require a military relationship with the United States and certainly not one that becomes an anti-Beijing alliance. That would be destabilizing and is not necessary. But a strong India is necessary to prevent the overwhelming dominance of any one country in Asia.
The US-India nuclear agreement also has a strong economic rationale. By 2020 India could be the world's fastest-growing economy. To reach its economic potential, India must diversify its energy sources. A growing and prosperous India economy provides the United States trade and investment opportunities.
The agreement also has environmental advantages. Nuclear power is a clean energy source; fossil fuel is not. Moving India away from its dependence on Mideast oil is a plus for a cleaner global environment.
Finally, the agreement begins a long overdue move to bring India into the global nonproliferation regime. This is why Mohamed ElBaradei, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency and recent recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, has welcomed the nuclear agreement, as have leaders in Britain, France, Russia, and Australia.
The benefits of India being a global nonproliferation partner are already evident. India has aligned its nuclear export rules and practices with the Nuclear Suppliers Group, a 45-member organization that seeks to limit the spread of nuclear weapons technology. India's decision twice to support the majority in the IAEA's votes expressing concern over Iran's nuclear intentions shows the importance of its enhanced nonproliferation posture.
The Bush administration now has the task of persuading Congress that the benefits of civilian nuclear cooperation with India outweigh the global nonproliferation risks. While there are proliferation pros and cons of this agreement, Congress will need to place this debate in a broader strategic context. India's emergence as a major global player will, according to the National Intelligence Council (the CIA's think tank), ''transform the geopolitical landscape in the 21st century." It is time for the United States to build a lasting strategic relationship with India.
Karl F. Inderfurth is a former assistant secretary of state for South Asian affairs in the Clinton administration and is currently a professor at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University. Walter K. Andersen is a former senior South Asia analyst at the State Department and is associate director of South Asian Studies at the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University.
© Copyright 2006 Globe Newspaper Company.
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